Nuclear Weapons and Arms Control
The AQ Khan Revelations and Subsequent Changes to Pakistani Export Controls
Battle Lines Being Drawn in the CTBT Debate: an Analysis of the Strategic Posture Commission's Arguments against U.S. Ratification
Brazil's New National Defense Strategy Calls for Strategic Nuclear Developments
Brazil's Nuclear Ambitions, Past and Present
The Bush Proposals: A Global Strategy for Combating the Spread of Nuclear Weapons Technology or a Sanctioned Nuclear Cartel?
Bush-Putin Summit, November 2001
на русском (In Russian)
China Enters the Nuclear Suppliers Group: Positive Steps in the Global Campaign against Nuclear Weapons Proliferation
Companies Reported to Have Sold or Attempted to Sell Libya Gas Centrifuge Components
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT)
на русском (In Russian)
Congressional Oversight of U.S. Nuclear Weapons
Cooperative Threat Reduction and Pakistan
The Costs of U.S. Nuclear Weapons
DOE's Domestic Nuclear Security Initiatives
Egypt and Saudi Arabia's Policies toward Iran's Nuclear Program
The Emerging Arab Response to Iran's Unabated Nuclear Program
Entry into Force of the CTBT: All Roads Lead to Washington A Report from the Fifth Article XIV Conference
The Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism: Progress to Date
Going Beyond the Stir: The Strategic Realities of China's No-First-Use Policy
IAEA Board Deplores Iran's Failure to Come into Full Compliance: Is Patience with Iran Running Out?
IAEA Board Welcomes EU-Iran Agreement: Is Iran Providing Assurances or Merely Providing Amusement?
Illicit Nuclear Trafficking in the NIS
на русском(In Russian)
Implications of Proposed India-U.S. Civil Nuclear Cooperation
Indo-Pakistani Military Standoff: Why It Isn't Over Yet
The International Uranium Enrichment Center at Angarsk: A Step Towards Assured Fuel Supply?
Iran and the IAEA: A Troubling Past with a Hopeful Future?
Iran: June 2009 Elections and Nuclear Policy Implications
Is Syria a Candidate for Nuclear Proliferation?
Japan and Kazakhstan: Nuclear Energy Cooperation
Japan's Evolving Security Policies: Along Came North Korea's Threats
The Low-Enriched Uranium Fuel Reserve at Angarsk
The New IAEA Resolution: A Milestone in the Iran-IAEA Saga
North Korea's Nuclear Test and its Aftermath: Coping with the Fallout
North Korea's Nuclear Weapons Program and the Six-party Talks
Nuclear Conflict in the 21st Century: Reviewing the Chinese Nuclear Threat
Nuclear Posture Review
на русском(In Russian)
The Nuclear Posture Review Debate
Nuclear Proliferation and South Asia: Recent Trends
Nuclear Submarine Dismantlement
на русском(In Russian)
Nuclear Trafficking Hoaxes: A Short History of Scams Involving Red Mercury and Osmium-187
Obama's Nuclear Nonproliferation and Disarmament Agenda: Building Steam or Losing Traction?
One Year of Test Ban Commitment Cannot Erase a Decade of Dismissal: Discussing the Outcome of the CTBT 2009 Article XIV Conference
A Pause in the Indo-US Nuclear Agreement
Practical Steps for Improving U.S. Nonproliferation Leadership
Political Perceptions of Nuclear Disarmament in the United Kingdom and France: A Comparative Analysis
Presidential Nuclear Initiatives: An Alternative Paradigm for Arms Control
на русском(In Russian)
Plutonium Disposition
на русском(In Russian)
Radiological Materials in Russia
на русском(In Russian)
Reykjavik Summit: The Legacy and a Lesson for the Future
Risks of Plutonium Programs
The Role of Security Assurances: Is Any Progress Possible?
Russian Spent Nuclear Fuel
на русском(In Russian)
Russia's Nuclear Doctrine
на русском(In Russian)
The Second NPT PrepCom for the 2005 Review Conference: Prospects for Progress
Seven Years After the Nuclear Tests: Appraising South Asia's Nuclear Realities
The Six-Party Talks and President Obama's North Korea Policy
Sixty Years After the Nuclear Devastation, Japan's Role in the NPT
START Process and Russian Strategic Force Modernization
Submarine Dismantlement Assistance
Sweden Reverses Nuclear Phase-out Policy
Tactical Nuclear Weapons (TNW)
на русском(In Russian) 
Tactical Nuclear Weapons in Germany: Time for Withdrawal?
Taiwan and Nonproliferation
The Treaty of Moscow
на русском(In Russian)
Understanding Obama and Jerusalem
UN Disarmament Committee Forecasts Troubled Nonproliferation Future
UN General Assembly Tackles Nonproliferation and Disarmament After Disappointing Summit
Uranium Tailings in Central Asia: The Case of the Kyrgyz Republic
UNSC Resolution 1887: Packaging Nonproliferation and Disarmament at the United Nations
UNSC Resolution 1887 Part 2: Unpacking the Resolution's Political Significance and Implications for the International Nonproliferation Regime
U.S.-Russian Civilian Nuclear Cooperation
на русском(In Russian)
U.S. - UAE Nuclear Cooperation
Venezuela's Search for Nuclear Power — or Nuclear Prestige
Vying for Influence: Saudi Arabia’s Reaction to Iran’s Advancing Nuclear Program
Will Saudi Arabia Acquire Nuclear Weapons?


Biological Weapons
The Anti-plague System in the Newly Independent States, 1992 and Onwards: Assessing Proliferation Risks and Potential for Enhanced Public Health in Central Asia and the Caucasus
Assessing the Threat of Mass-Casualty Bioterrorism
на русском(In Russian)
The Biological Weapons Convention (BWC)
на русском(In Russian)
Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) Compliance Protocol
на русском(In Russian)
Developments in the Biosciences: Do Recent Scientific and Technological Advances Lower the Threshold for the Proliferation of Biological Weapons?
на русском(In Russian)
The Fifth Conference of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BWC)
на русском(In Russian)
International Assistance for Anti-plague Facilities in the Former Soviet Union to Prevent Proliferation of Biological Weapons
на русском(In Russian)
Is the Avian Influenza Virus a Suitable Agent for a Biological Weapon?
Lessons from Select Public Health Events Having Relevance to Bioterrorism Preparedness
на русском(In Russian)
The Next Generation of Sensor Technology for the BioWatch Program
Security and Public Health: How and Why do Public Health Emergencies Affect the Security of a Country?


Chemical Weapons
Dusty Agents and the Iraqi Chemical Weapons Arsenal
на русском(In Russian)
First Review Conference of the CWC: Coming of Age
Global CW Assistance
Industrial Chemicals as Weapons: Chlorine
The Risks and Challenges of a Cruise Missile Tipping Point
The Seventh Conference of State Parties to the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC)
на русском(In Russian)
The United States and the CTBT: Renewed Hope or Politics as Usual?
Vinalon, the DPRK, and Chemical Weapons Precursors
на русском(In Russian)
What to Expect at the Eighth Conference of State Parties to the CWC


Missiles, Missile Defenses, and Delivery Vehicles
A Look at National Missile Defense and the Ground-Based Midcourse Defense System
Addressing the Spread of Cruise Missiles and Unmanned Air Vehicles (UAVs)
Examining China's Debate on Military Space Programs: Was the ASAT Test Really a Surprise?
Future Space Security
на русском(In Russian)
Japan's Space Law Revision: the Next Step Toward Re-Militarization?
Making the Hague Code of Conduct Relevant
The Reconfiguration of European Missile Defense, Russia's Response and the Likely Implications
Radiological and Nuclear Detection Devices
Russia's Approach to the U.S. Missile Defense Program
на русском(In Russian)
Space Security and Bush Administration Policy: Results of the First Term
Taiwan's Response to China's Missile Buildup
Theater Missile Defense (TMD) and Northeast Asian Security
на русском(In Russian)
Unmanned Air Vehicles as Terror Weapons: Real or Imagined?


General Nonproliferation Topics
The Chechen Resistance and Radiological Terrorism
China's White Paper on Nonproliferation: Export Controls Hit the Big Time
Department of Homeland Security: Goals and Challenges
на русском(In Russian)
DP World and U.S. Port Security
The European Union and the Arms Ban on China
G8 10 Plus 10 Over 10
на русском(In Russian)
The Global Partnership 2004
Global Submarine Proliferation: Emerging Trends and Problems
Instability in Georgia: A New Proliferation Threat?
Iraq's WMD Scientists in the Crossfire
Islamist Terrorist Threat in the Tri-Border Region
на русском(In Russian)
Kazakhstan's Proposal to Initiate Commercial Imports of Radioactive Waste
на русском(In Russian)
The Mitutoyo Case: Will Japan Learn from its Mistakes or Repeat Them?
Nonproliferation Assistance to the Former Soviet Union
на русском(In Russian)
North Korea's 11th Supreme People's Assembly Elections
Nuclear Watch—Pakistan: The Sorry Affairs of the Islamic Republic
Radiological Materials in Russia
на русском(In Russian)
To Comply or Not to Comply: Outline of the UN Inspections Mechanism in Iraq
на русском(In Russian)
Unlocking the Impasse: Who Holds the Key to the Conference on Disarmament
Was Libyan WMD Disarmament a Significant Success for Nonproliferation?
Weapons of Mass Destruction in Central Asia
на русском(In Russian)
Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle East
на русском(In Russian)
Will Emerging Challenges Change Japanese Security Policy?

Issue Brief
redline

Plutonium Disposition
Elena Sokova, Research Associate
CNS NIS Nonproliferation Program
Center for Nonproliferation Studies
Monterey Institute of International Studies
July 2002

Issue Introduction

With the Cold War behind them, the United States and Russia pledged to eliminate excess weapons-grade plutonium in order to prevent its theft or diversion for illegal nuclear programs and to prevent its reincorporation into their weapons programs. From a nonproliferation standpoint, plutonium is of the greatest concern because only 8 kilograms are needed to make a nuclear bomb. The United States and Russia each declared 50 metric tons of plutonium to be surplus to their security needs. In September 2000, both countries formally agreed to transform 34 metric tons each of excess military plutonium into a proliferation-resistant form over the course of 20 years. Russia intends to irradiate all 34 metric tons of its plutonium in commercial nuclear power reactors, utilizing the so-called MOX fuel option. According to the 2000 agreement, the United States also planned to irradiate the majority of its surplus plutonium as MOX fuel. The rest of the U.S. plutonium was planned to be immobilized with highly radioactive waste for subsequent deep-earth disposal. In early 2002, due to steep increases of the U.S. disposition program costs, the U.S. administration announced its decision to concentrate on the MOX option solely, canceling the immobilization track.

Plutonium disposition programs in both countries are still in early stages. The start-up costs of plutonium disposition are extremely high, as neither Russia nor the United States has industrial-scale MOX fuel production facilities. The Russian program is currently estimated at $2 billion, and the U.S. program at $3.8 billion. However, international funding for the Russian program has not yet been secured. In addition to remaining financial uncertainties about the Russian program, other implementation issues, including verification, monitoring, licensing and others, must be resolved before the program in both countries can move forward. Given these challenges, the year 2007, initially agreed in the September 2000 agreement as the start date for plutonium irradiation, seems unrealistic.

Issue Brief

The Plutonium Surplus

Throughout the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union produced about 90 and 120-165 metric tons of weapons-grade plutonium, respectively.[1] Nuclear arms reduction efforts in the late 1980s and 1990s slated thousands of nuclear weapons in the United States and Russia for dismantling and elimination. These nuclear weapon reductions, with their indisputable benefits for global security, also meant that the two countries no longer needed large stocks of weapons materials for their arsenals and that existing stocks would increase even further as nuclear materials were removed from warheads.

In 1995, the United States announced that it possessed more than 50 metric tons of plutonium in excess of national security needs; in 1997, Russia followed suit and declared 50 metric tons of weapons-grade plutonium surplus to its defense program. Both countries pledged to take steps to ensure that this material would never again be used for weapons or fall into the wrong hands.

Source: US Department of Energy - http://www.doedigitalarchive.doe.gov/
Dismantling a Nuclear Weapon

Why Dispose of Plutonium?

Producing fissile materials is the major obstacle to the manufacturing of nuclear weapons by proliferant states and terrorists. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) estimates that only 8 kilograms of plutonium is sufficient to make a bomb with a yield equal to that of the device used on Nagasaki. Thus, elimination of surpluses of military plutonium would greatly reduce the risk that it could be stolen or diverted to illegal nuclear programs, and also ensures that neither the United States nor Russia will reincorporate it into warheads in the future. In addition, disposition of plutonium would reduce storage costs of plutonium, which are very high over the long term.

Plutonium Disposition Options

Unlike weapons-grade uranium, which can be rendered unusable for nuclear weapons by blending it with lower-grade uranium (a blend that can then be used as fuel in nuclear power plants), plutonium cannot be blended with other materials or diluted to make it unusable in weapons. However, steps can be taken to greatly complicate the use of plutonium for nuclear arms. Spent nuclear fuel for commercial power reactors, for example, contains roughly 1% plutonium, but it is bound up with highly radioactive material, thus, creating a high-radiation barrier. In addition, the process of separating plutonium and uranium from spent fuel is technically difficult and expensive. Consequently, plutonium in spent fuel is considered to have relatively modest proliferation risk. For the disposition of weapons-grade plutonium, specialists have sought to devise methods based on these properties of spent fuel to make weapons-grade plutonium inaccessible for weapons use, a goal commonly known as the “spent fuel standard.” (For details, see Management and Disposition of Excess Weapons Plutonium by the National Academy of Sciences.)

During the early 1990s, U.S. and Russian technical and government committees considered several plutonium disposition options. In the end, two options were identified as meeting the two states’ nonproliferation objectives: (1) irradiating plutonium as nuclear power reactor fuel; and (2) immobilizing it with high-level radioactive waste in an inert matrix (such as glass or ceramic), and then disposing of the material in a geologic repository, where other nuclear wastes will also be stored.

The irradiation option involves the production of special fuel consisting of both plutonium and uranium oxides, which is called mixed-oxide, or MOX, fuel. Russia considers plutonium a valuable energy source and insists on using its surplus plutonium as fuel rather than immobilizing it. Moreover, because irradiation of MOX in nuclear power plants transforms weapons-grade plutonium into lesser quality “reactor grade” plutonium (while immobilized plutonium remains weapons-grade), Russia insisted that the United States adopt the MOX option as well for the bulk of its surplus plutonium. Russia argued that if the United States merely immobilized its surplus plutonium, the United States might some day re-separate the weapons-grade material and reuse it for nuclear arms.

The MOX fuel will be burned in commercial nuclear power reactors in the United States and Russia, primarily in light water reactors. Russia also intends to use its fast neutron reactor for burning MOX fuel. The use of Canadian and European reactors for the Russian material is also being considered as one possible means for accelerating the disposition program.

Source: US Department of Energy - http://www.doedigitalarchive.doe.gov/
Fissile Material Containers: The U.S., through
the Cooperative Threat Reduction program, provided
Russia with over 26,000 such containers that will be
used for transportation and storage of fissile
material from dismantled nuclear weapons.

U.S.-Russian Plutonium Disposition Agreement

On September 1, 2000, the United States and Russia signed the Plutonium Disposition Agreement. According to the agreement, both countries must dispose of at least 34 metric tons of weapons-grade plutonium. The United States agreed to dispose of  25.5 metric tons as MOX fuel and to immobilize 8.5 metric tons; the Russian Federation agreed to dispose of all 34 tons as MOX fuel. Both countries agreed to begin disposition by the end of 2007 at the rate of at least 2 metric tons per year, although it now appears that the first disposition of plutonium will be delayed for several years.

The agreement bans each party from separating  plutonium from irradiated MOX fuel (“reprocessing”) until that party has disposed of all 34 metric tons of plutonium subject to the agreement. Any additional plutonium designated in the future by either country as excess to defense needs can be disposed of under the terms and conditions of the September 2000 agreement. Initial cost estimates were more than $1.7 billion for the Russian program and $4 billion for the U.S. program.

In addition, the parties will each have to take special precautions to ensure the security of plutonium and MOX fuel processed under the agreement against possible theft or diversion.
 
To ensure that plutonium subject to disposition is irreversibly removed from use in nuclear weapons, the September 2000 agreement specified the two sides would implement monitoring and inspection activities. The agreement also provides for International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) verification once appropriate agreements with the IAEA are concluded.

Implementation Issues

The plutonium disposition programs in both countries are still in their early stages. Before implementation begins, both countries need to put the appropriate infrastructures in place. For the MOX fuel option, facilities for plutonium conversion, MOX fuel fabrication, and storage must be constructed. In addition, existing nuclear power reactors must be modified to burn MOX fuel. The disposition of plutonium is an expensive undertaking. The projected costs have already significantly increased since 2000: The Russian program cost estimates have increased to at least $2 billion, while the U.S. program costs, if both the immobilization and MOX fuel options were employed, might reach $6 billion. Russia does not have the resources to implement this program on its own. The United States and other leading Western economic powers (G-8 countries) agreed to provide financial support for the Russian part of the program.

Opponents of the MOX burning option assert that immobilization of plutonium is safer, faster, and cheaper. They also argue that channeling weapons-grade plutonium into the civilian nuclear fuel cycle would increase, rather than decrease, the risk of diversion of the material. In addition, burning MOX fuel in reactors would reduce—but not completely eliminate—military plutonium in the resulting spent fuel. Thus, after years of “cooling” the irradiated fuel elements, the two countries would have to decide what to do with the spent fuel, which would still contain plutonium, although at significantly lower level than fresh MOX fuel. The United States plans to dispose of its spent MOX fuel in a geologic repository, along with conventional spent fuel from nuclear power plants. Russia’s plans are uncertain, but it has reserved the right to reprocess its spent MOX fuel once all 34 metric tons of plutonium are irradiated—that is, to separate plutonium from the spent MOX fuel for reuse in “second generation” MOX fuel for nuclear power plants.

When the Bush administration came to office, it ordered a review of all nonproliferation programs with Russia, including the plutonium disposition program. The administration was doubtful about the feasibility and nonproliferation value of the plutonium disposition due to its high costs and implementation uncertainties. In the end, the National Security Council review, completed in December 2001, recommended to continue the program but emphasized the need for the current plutonium disposition program to be less costly and more efficient.

In January 2002, the United States announced the decision to cancel the immobilization option and concentrate exclusively on the MOX fuel track. The Department of Energy (DOE) reported that canceling the immobilization option would save the United States $2 billion in total program costs and accelerate closure of former nuclear weapons complex sites. The DOE has also initiated the authorization process to construct a MOX fuel plant at the Savannah River Site in South Carolina. The transportation of plutonium to South Carolina faces strong resistance from the local communities and the governor of that state.

The total cost of the U.S. surplus plutonium disposition through the MOX option is anticipated to be about $3.8 billion over 20 years. The FY2002 appropriation for the U.S. fissile material disposition program is $241.4 million, of which approximately three-quarters (about $181 million) is designated for plutonium disposition. The Bush administration is seeking roughly $230 million for the U.S. plutonium disposition program in FY2003.[2]

The U.S. Congress appropriations for the Russian plutonium disposition program were $61 million in FY2002; the FY2003 request is for $98 million, but $64 million of this would be drawn from the 1999 appropriations of $200 million set aside for this purpose in the Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act of that year. An additional $200 million was pledged for the Russian plutonium disposition program by the United States. However, the Western European countries and Japan have been slow in committing significant amounts to the program. Total international pledges, including the U.S. commitment, amount to $600 million–well below the mark. The U.S. program, in turn, is contingent upon the parallel Russian effort moving forward. In the near term, with the future funding of the Russian program uncertain, some nonproliferation specialists have argued that the United States should not advance its plutonium disposition efforts. Others argue that without concrete progress in the United States, the Russian disposition program may never start in earnest. The Department of Energy has chosen to pursue planning and plant design activities, but does not intend to break ground for new plutonium disposition facilities until the Russian program is at a roughly comparable stage.

Inspection and monitoring procedures for plutonium disposition activities and associated IAEA verification measures are additional unresolved issues. Russia insists that only measurements that cannot disclose classified information about certain attributes of its weapons plutonium be employed. Although new technical approaches have been designed to meet this challenge, a number of issues in this area remain under negotiation.

Once each country disposes of 34 tons of plutonium as described in the September 2000 agreement, the United States will still have 16 tons of excess military plutonium in various waste and fuel forms, while Russia will retain at least 16 tons of weapons-grade plutonium that it has declared in excess of its defense program. Furthermore, when both countries start dismantling their nuclear arsenals under to the new nuclear arms reduction treaty signed at the May 2002 Bush-Putin summit, U.S. and Russian plutonium surpluses will grow even larger.

Meanwhile, a high-security fissile material storage facility that will store plutonium from the dismantled Russian warheads is nearing completion at the Mayak site in Ozersk, Chelyabinsk Oblast. The facility is being built with U.S. assistance under the Nunn-Lugar Program and will store up to 50 metric tons of plutonium removed from nuclear warheads. It is anticipated that a portion of the plutonium stored here will be gradually moved through the disposition process. Additional plutonium from the dismantlement of Russian nuclear weapons might also be transferred to this facility.

Sources:
[1] David Albright, Frans Berkhout, William Walker, Plutonium and Highly Enriched Uranium 1996: World Inventories, Capabilities and Policies (New York: Oxford University Press Inc., 1997), pp. 40, 58.
[2] “
Defense Nuclear Nonproliferation,” Department of Energy’s FY 2003 Budget Request to Congress, http://www.mbe.doe.gov/budget/03budget/content/
defnn/nuclnonp.pdf
.

Relevant Resources

CNS Database Resources

Center for Nonproliferation Studies, “Russia: Plutonium Disposition Developments,” updated January 2002.

Center for Nonproliferation Studies, “Russia: Plutonium Disposition Overview,” updated October 2001.

Dr. Adam Bernstein, “Introduction to Plutonium Disposition,” Center for Nonproliferation Studies Database, November 1997.

Official Documents

Surplus Plutonium Disposition Program, Amended Record of Decision, Department of Energy, National Nuclear Security Administration, April 19, 2002.

Secretary Abraham Announces Administration Plan to Proceed with Plutonium Disposition & Reduce Proliferation Concerns, Department of Energy Press Release, January 23, 2002.

Agreement Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Russian Federation Concerning the Management and Disposition of Plutonium Designated As No Longer Required for Defense Purposes and Related Cooperation, September 2, 2000.

Fact Sheet on the U.S.-Russian Plutonium Disposition Agreement, distributed by the White House, June 4, 2000.

Joint U.S.-Russian Statement Concerning Management and Disposition of Weapon-Grade Plutonium, distributed by the White House, June 4, 2000.

Joint Statement of Principles for Management and Disposition of Plutonium Designated as No Longer Required for Defense Purposes, September 2, 1998.

Agreement between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Russian Federation on Scientific and Technical Cooperation in the Management of Plutonium that Has Been Withdrawn from Nuclear Military Programs, July 24, 1998.

Final Report of the U.S.-Russian Independent Scientific Commission on Disposition of Excess Weapons Plutonium, June 1, 1997.

Articles and Reports

Kevin O’Neill, editor, “Addressing Excess Stocks of Civil and Military Plutonium,” Panel: U.S. and Russian Military Plutonium Disposition Programs, proceedings of the December 10, 2001 ISIS Conference.

Frank von Hippel, “Recommendations for Preventing Nuclear Terrorism,” FAS Public Interest Report, November/December 2001, Vol. 54, No. 6.

Frank N. von Hippel, “Plutonium and Reprocessing of Spent Nuclear Fuel,” Science, Vol. 293, No. 5539, Issue of September 28, 2001, pp. 2397-2398.

Allison Macfarlane, Frank von Hippel, Jungmin Kang, and Robert Nelson, “Plutonium Disposal, the Third Way,Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, May/June 2001, Vol. 57, No. 3, pp. 53-57.

Arjun Makhijani, “Plutonium End Game: Stop Reprocessing, Start Immobilizing,” Science for Democratic Action, Vol. 9, No. 3, February 2001.

Arjun Makhijani, “Plutonium End Game: Managing Global Stocks of Separated Weapons-Usable Commercial and Surplus Nuclear Weapons Plutonium,” January 2001.

Christopher Ficek, “Plutonium Disposition Update,” Russian American Nuclear Security Advisory Council (RANSAC), July 22, 2000.

F. Reshetnikov, Nekotoryye aspekty problemy utilizatsii izbytochnogo oruzheynogo plutoniya v Rossii, (Some aspects of disposition of excess plutonium in Russia), Vestnik Rossiyskoy Akademii nauk, Vol. 70, No. 2, 2000, pp. 117-128.

Paul Leventhal and Steven Dolley, “The Plutonium Fallacy: An Update,” The Nonproliferation Review, Spring-Summer 1999, Vol. 6, No. 3.

Kory W. Budlong Sylvester, “Alternative Approaches to Russian Plutonium Disposition,” The Nonproliferation Review, Winter 1999, Vol. 6, No. 2.

Alexandra von Meier, Jennifer Lynn Miller, and Ann C. Keller, “The Disposition of Excess Weapons Plutonium: A Comparison of Three Narrative Contexts,” The Nonproliferation Review, Winter 1998, Vol. 5, No. 2.

A. Diakov and Ye. Sharov, “Ekonomika utilizatsii oruzheynogo plutoniya v yadernykh reaktorakh,” (Economy of plutonium disposition in nuclear reactors), January 1998.

Adam Bernstein, “Getting Burnt by Weapons Plutonium: Security Implications of U.S. Disposition Options,” The Nonproliferation Review, Winter 1997, Vol. 4, No. 2.

Matthew Bunn and John Holdren, “Managing Military Uranium and Plutonium in the United States and the Former Soviet Union,” Annual Review of Energy and the Environment, 1997, Vol. 22, pp. 403-486.

Steven Dolley, “Burn It or Bury It? Burying Warhead Plutonium as Waste is Safer and Cheaper Than Burning it in Reactors,” Nuclear Control Institute, March 28, 1997.

Charles N. Van Doren, “Getting to Burn Weapons Plutonium: Principal Issues and Obstacles,” The Nonproliferation Review, Fall 1996, Vol. 4, No. 1.

Betsy Perabo, “The Disposition of Fissile Materials: An Extended Interview with Oleg Bukharin, Thomas Cochran, and Wolfgang Panofsky,” The Nonproliferation Review, Winter 1994, Vol. 1, No. 2.

Books and Printed Material

Arjun Makhijani and Annie Makhijani, Fissile Materials in a Glass, Darkly (selected chapters), (IEER Press, 1995; also available in Russian).

Committee on International Security and Arms Control, National Academy of Sciences, Management and Disposition of Excess Weapons Plutonium: Reactor-Related Options (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 1995).

Committee on International Security and Arms Control, National Academy of Sciences, Management and Disposition of Excess Weapons Plutonium (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 1994).

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CNSThis material is produced independently for NTI by the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies at the Monterey Institute of International Studies and does not necessarily reflect the opinions of and has not been independently verified by NTI or its directors, officers, employees, agents. Copyright © 2007 by MIIS.

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