A Primer on WMD
Curbing WMD Proliferation
 

Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD)

 
 
Produced by the Monterey Institute's Center for Nonproliferation Studies

Updated March 2008

Background. Historically, the deployment of missile defenses has been limited because of political, economic, and technological constraints. One primary concern has been that if the United States employed defenses of this kind, it could upset the strategic nuclear balance with Russia and, more recently, China. The reason for this concern is that all three powers, the United States, Russia, and China (as well as France and Britain), possess nuclear-tipped intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs). In the absence of missile defenses, these missiles are capable of striking each other's territories on short notice. 

During the Cold War, this "balance of terror" was thought by many to provide stability and security in the form of deterrence. Nuclear deterrence, in this sense, allowed the United States and the Soviet Union to feel confident that they would not be attacked because each state had the ability to retaliate and cause unacceptable damage to the attacker. If the attacker had missile defenses, however, it was argued, the attacker might be able to strike first and then block a retaliatory strike. A state in possession of effective missile defenses, conceivably, could intimidate other nuclear countries because of this first-strike advantage. Therefore, many believe that missile defenses undermine deterrence, and create strategic instability. 

Current Status. Ballistic missile defense (BMD) remains one of the most controversial issues in world politics and U.S. defense policy. Nevertheless, in December 2002, six months after the United States formally withdrew from the 1972 ABM Treaty, the Bush administration announced that the United States would deploy a limited missile defense system in Ft. Greely, Alaska, by the close of 2004. Subsequently, a small site at Vandenberg Air Force Base in California was added. This initial deployment, while limited in scope, offers the promise of some protection from missiles launched from states across the Pacific Ocean, namely North Korea and, possibly, China. However, at present, key technologies are still missing from the system.

Advocates of BMD contend the United States is facing a growing number of threats from ballistic missiles and therefore must develop defenses to combat those threats. Others, however, argue that there are other alternatives for dealing with missile threats and that BMD has a number of inherent disadvantages. Russia and China have specific concerns over BMD, as do many U.S. allies.

Proponents Claim that U.S. BMD is Essential for Security in the Twenty-First Century. Those in favor of U.S. missile defenses argue that such defenses are essential for U.S. national security. They believe that if there were a conflict with Iran or North Korea, the threat of U.S. nuclear retaliation might not deter the leaders in those countries from attacking the United States with missiles carrying WMD. With missile defenses, however, the United States could protect itself from WMD missile attacks, giving it the freedom to respond militarily in reprisal to an attack without fear of retaliation from adversaries. Those in favor of missile defenses also argue that if a state knew that it would confront a U.S. missile shield, it might be discouraged from developing long-range missiles in the first place.

In addition, supporters argue that the relatively small size of proposed BMD systems will not affect Russia's large nuclear forces. Proponents acknowledge that U.S. BMD might be able to defeat China's much smaller nuclear force; however, they point out that China is already in the process of modernizing and enlarging its nuclear arsenal. This fact could enable Beijing to overcome U.S. defenses, and thereby maintain a credible nuclear deterrent against the United States.

Opponents Claim that the Proposed U.S. BMD System Won't Work. Critics of U.S. missile defenses question whether missile defenses will even work. Tests of components of the system have failed on several occasions, even though the tests were conducted under highly scripted conditions where the trajectory and signature of incoming dummy warheads were known ahead of time. Moreover, under realistic conditions, missile defenses potentially could be defeated by relatively simple countermeasures.

Opponents also point out that missile defenses are not necessary to improve U.S. security because deterrence has worked in the past. Deterrence, they argue, worked against the Soviet Union when it was ruled by tyrannical and "irrational" leaders like Josef Stalin, and it worked against Saddam Hussein in the 1991 Gulf War. In that conflict, it is possible that fear of U.S. nuclear retaliation kept Iraq from using biological or chemical weapons against coalition forces.

Critics also contend that missile defenses would not help defend against a WMD attack that did not use missiles. An enemy could, for example, bring a nuclear weapon into a U.S. port concealed in a ship, or smuggle biological agents into the United States and disperse them secretly. Lastly, opponents argue that besides undermining U.S.-Russian arms control agreements, U.S. BMD could lead China to expand its nuclear forces beyond current modernization efforts, leading to a nuclear arms race in Asia.

Further Reading:

CRS, Andrew Feickert, "Missile Survey: Ballistic and Cruise Missiles of Foreign Countries"

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Joseph Cirincione, "The Declining Ballistic Missile Threat, 2005"
NTI, Nathan Voegelli, "A Look at Missile Defense and the Ground-Based Midcourse Defense System"
CRS, Steven Hildreth, "Missile Defense: The Current Debate"

Missile Defense Agency

CNS Inventory, ABM Treaty

U.S. State Department, Missile Defense Fact Sheets

CDI, "Missile Defense"

Fed. of American Scientists, Ballistic Missile Defense

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Anti-Missile Systems

Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation, Missile Defense

Arms Control Association, "The Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty"

Federation of American Scientists, "Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty"

U.S. Dept. of Defense,  Missile Defense

CNS, Clay Moltz, "New Challenges in Missile Proliferation, Missile Defense, and Space Security"


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This material is produced independently for NTI by the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies at the Monterey Institute of International Studies and does not necessarily reflect the opinions of and has not been independently verified by NTI or its directors, officers, employees, agents. Copyright © 2004 by MIIS.

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